Paul Murphy: Calls to Ban Private Jets Amid Rising Emissions
Paul Murphy challenged the Taoiseach over Ireland's rising greenhouse gas emissions and urged a ban on private jets, arguing they epitomise excessive luxury consumption and produce outsized emissions. The Taoiseach responded that climate action must be balanced with jobs and investment and suggested taxes or sustainable aviation fuels rather than an outright ban.
Private jet proposal and emissions
Paul Murphy noted that Irish greenhouse gas emissions are rising - at the fastest rate in the EU, 12.3% year on year - and said this is in contravention of the Climate Action Plan despite the Green Party being in government. He presented a modest bill, passed at first stage, to ban private jets and highlighted equity concerns, noting the top 1% are responsible for 16% of global emissions and that a single private jet trip emits about 10 tonnes of carbon - roughly an Irish person's annual emissions.
Taoiseach stresses balanced approach and economic risk
The Taoiseach replied that all government departments must act but emphasised that transport, energy, agriculture and industry account for most emissions. He warned that a unilateral ban on private jets could harm investment and employment and said climate measures must avoid causing job losses, falling living standards or adverse effects on rural development.
Energy strategy and economic opportunities
The Taoiseach outlined a vision of marrying climate action with economic opportunity, aiming for energy independence through solar, offshore and onshore wind, interconnection, batteries, green fertiliser and green hydrogen. He framed these industries as import substitution and export opportunities that can support jobs while reducing emissions.
Concerns over EU nature restoration law and timeline
On the EU nature restoration law, the Taoiseach said elements of the proposal could go too far, potentially taking agricultural land out of food production and imposing restrictions in urban areas. He urged engagement to improve the proposals, noted the need for an economic and social impact assessment, and set out a possible timeline - agreed text by the Council meeting in Luxembourg on 20 June, trilogue in July, potential ratification by year-end and two years to prepare a national restoration plan.
Policy options for aviation emissions
The Taoiseach said aviation accounts for roughly 2-3% of Ireland's emissions and conceded private jets are likely a small share of that. Rather than an outright ban, he suggested a tax or a phased requirement for sustainable aviation fuels as more realistic policy options, warning that an immediate ban could deter investment from major companies. He also stated he was not aware of any proposals to withdraw from the Energy Treaty.
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Teachta, Across Europe greenhouse gas emissions are declining. They are declining far too slowly to avoid catastrophe for humanity. But in Ireland greenhouse gas emissions are actually rising. They are rising the fastest rate of any EU country, 12.3 per cent, year on year, despite the fact that we have the Green Party in government and despite the fact that it is in contravention of our targets under the Climate Action Plan. A key part of that is aviation. We have a very modest proposal, a bill that has gone through first stage, which is to ban private jets. Private jets epitomise excessive luxury consumption by the very richest in the world having an outsized impact on our environment, for which they experience very little of the consequences. It is the very poorest people in the world experiencing the consequences first and hardest, with the top 1 per cent being responsible for 16 per cent of all emissions globally. Just one private jet trip into or out of Ireland emits about 10 tonnes of carbon, about the same as what one person in Ireland does throughout the entire year. Do you agree, Teesach, that we should ban these private jets? I want to thank the deputies for their contributions. I think Deputy Durkan is absolutely correct that all government departments have to play a role in climate action, but the ones that have to play the biggest role are transport, energy, agriculture and industry, as those are the areas that account for almost all of the emissions. Housing, finance, public expenditure, NDP delivery, all those government departments have significant roles to play. I agree that we need to get the balance right. We need to take climate action, but not in a way that causes people to lose their jobs or see their living standards fall, or impacts adversity on rural development. That is why we are trying, as a government, to marry climate action with economic opportunity. There are great economic opportunities that arise from climate action, in particular the ambition that I have set out for Ireland to become energy independent, developing our solar, our offshore wind, our onshore wind, interconnection, batteries, green fertiliser, green hydrogen, all of those new industries that we can develop, import substitution and export. That is the vision we are keen to press forward with. In relation to the nature restoration law raised by Deputy Moynan, I think we all appreciate the need to protect nature, restore biodiversity loss and allow nature to regrow. We know how quickly nature can recover if it is allowed to regrow. The EU nature restoration law is still a proposal at this stage. As I said before, in the House there are aspects of it that I feel go too far, particularly when it comes to taking agricultural land out of use for food production against the wishes of farmers. There are also potential impacts in urban areas. If you apply it to the letter, it could make it much harder for grass pitches to become all-weather pitches. It could place restrictions on people doing what they want with their own front and back gardens. Some very far-reaching proposals. I know Deputy Noonan or Minister Noonan has been very clear that farmers should not be compelled to do anything and should be remunerated and rewarded if they do. I agree with that approach. I would encourage people to engage in the debate tomorrow in a productive way and suggest how the proposals can be improved and what compromises can be made to make sure it is fit for purpose. We do not yet have an agreed text. It is thought that that could be ready for the Council of Ministers' meeting in Luxembourg on 20 June. At that point, there will be trilogue with the European Parliament in July, leading to potential ratification by the end of the year, and then giving us two years to prepare a national restoration plan. We do need an impact assessment on how it would impact on us economically and socially. I think that is important as well. I know that at the European Parliament levy, there have been negative votes on both the Agriculture Committee and the Fisheries Committee, which I think are significant. In relation to aviation, I think aviation makes up maybe two or three percent of our emissions. We are an island nation, so we rely on aviation in the way that other countries do for connectivity. I am not sure what percentage of the two percent the private jets make up. I do not know what the figure is, but I imagine it is quite small. Banning them outright could have negative impacts on investment and employment. Certainly, if a CEO or a chairperson from an IDA client company is coming in, I do not think we could say that this is the only country in Europe where you cannot land your jet, but please invest here and employ thousands of people. I do not think a unilateral approach from Ireland would work in that regard. What might make more sense would be a tax or a requirement that sustainable aviation fuels be used over time. That might be a more realistic approach than the sledgehammer approach, which would probably essentially say that Ireland is closed to investment from major companies into the future. Just on the Energy Treaty, I am not aware of any proposals to withdraw from that.
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