Mattie McGrath: Warns Against Opting Into EU Migration Pact
Mattie McGrath warned against Ireland opting into the EU migration and asylum pact, arguing it would cede sovereignty, impose financial penalties and force annual asylum quotas. He opposed the pact and criticised the government's timing, secrecy and refusal to allow separate Dáil votes on each opt-in measure.
Timing and parliamentary process
The Dáil Justice Committee wrapped up its discussions on the EU migration and asylum pact more than a month ago, but the government postponed the debate and pushed a vote through before the European local elections. McGrath said the government is denying the Dáil a vote on all seven opt-in measures, despite the EU Parliament holding separate votes on each measure, and urged a section-by-section discussion.
Opt-in concerns and sovereignty
McGrath emphasised Ireland's opt-in provision in areas of freedom, security and justice and warned that opting into the pact would transfer decision-making authority on immigration from Dublin to Brussels. He argued future governments could be unable to reverse the pact without exposing the state to large fines and loss of control over migration policy.
Solidarity mechanism and financial penalties
Under the pact, McGrath said Ireland would be required to accept an unspecified number of asylum seekers each year or face a financial penalty of at least £20,000 per person. He criticised the formula for assigning asylum numbers - based on population and GDP - as unfavourable to a small state with GDP skewed by multinational firms.
Returns, safe countries and migratory pressure
He warned that stricter return rules would make returning asylum seekers to first countries of asylum more challenging, citing guarantees for access to higher education and the ability to stay unless an applicant is a security risk. McGrath said the EU could overrule national safe-country designations and that a member state claiming migratory pressure could block returns for up to 12 months, while crisis rules might compel other states to take asylum seekers.
Domestic figures and local impact
Citing figures obtained from the minister's office, McGrath said the cost of accommodating an asylum seeker was €561 per week in 2023 and that 64% of applicants assessed that year did not qualify. He described the system as shambolic, pointed to lengthy assessments of up to 19 months, and referenced local communities in his county - mentioning Marfokalskora, Kankola and Barstakane - where initial models for accommodating Ukrainians are now under pressure to change.
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The National Prediction of Asylum and Migration at the outset that the rural independence and I are from the committee opposed to this migration pact and have made our opposition quite known for several, several months. The Dáil Justice Committee wrapped up its discussions on the EU migration and asylum pact more than a month ago. Since then the government, your government has tactically postponed the debate and voted it all before the European local elections. The dogs in the street know that. We saw from the referendum that you withheld vital information that should have been put into the public domain. And in fact, you do the same with this, just hide it from the people. A pact which took nearly a decade to negotiate in Brussels is said to be expedited to this Dáil in China this week in several hours. The EU immigration pact consists of five separate regulations. Within these regulations stemmed ten regulatory measures, seven of which the government proposes to adopt. However, the government is denying the Dáil vote on all seven opt-in measures, despite the EU Parliament having separate votes on each of the measures. And that's well documented. And we should be discussing this section by section. Because there is some good, as I said at the outset, but there's an awful lot of bad in it, as well as I can say, for our country. On the 10th of April of 2024, the EU Parliament voted approval of the pact. I couldn't but remember the 10th of April when Liam Lynch, Republican leader, fatally wounded 101 years ago in the Knockman Down Mountains, quite close to my home. And all EU member states, with the exception of Ireland and Denmark, became bound by the pact after it was voted by the Parliament and the Council. However, Ireland has a hard-won opt-in provision. This is because Ireland, like the UK, has enacted an opt-in provision in the areas of freedom, security and justice, which includes migration and migration laws. Opting into the measures proposed by the government under the pact will have grave consequences, including, as I'm concerned, asylum seekers and financial penalty under the solidarity mechanism of the pact. Ireland is required to accept an unspecified number of asylum seekers each year or face a financial penalty of at least £20,000 per person imposed by the European Union. Ireland is required to accept an option. The court of asylum seekers that each country will be assigned under the pact will be based on population size, which doesn't work in our favour because of our small population, and also according to our GDP, which is seriously skewed by our multinational investors that we have here at this time, that could disappear any time like snow off a ditch. What makes matters worse is the fact that in future governments, any future governments do not support the pact, they will not be able to opt out. While in theory a future government could ignore the pact, like Hungary, it would leave the country and taxpayers exposed to enormous fines. And why do we want to tie ourselves into some kind of a bond that we can't ever change? It's futile, it's short-sighted, it's divisive. The consequences of approving this pact or opting into the pact will neither impose an increasing number of asylum seekers on communities across Ireland each year and compel taxpayers to pay an annual fee of £20,000 for each person denied entry. £20,000 per person. The decision to opt into such an agreement is utterly irrational and transfers the authority of immigration decision-making from Dublin to Brussels. We are ceding a sovereignty that is quite nakedly seen there for all its truths. Return of asylum seekers. The process of returning asylum seekers to the first countries of asylum, or the safe countries, will become more challenging due to stricter rules. These rules include guarantees for the applicant's rights of access to higher education and the ability to stay in the country unless they pose a security risk. That is very, very scary. Designation of safe countries. The ability of Ireland to designate safe countries is compromised due to the EU's authority to overrule any such decision. This is particularly relevant in the case of the UK due to their ongoing withdrawal process. And we have a very small few safe countries designated. We've increased them by two recently, but some other European countries have twice as many as we have. Why are we so lethargic there? Why haven't we do this all along? Migratory pressure. If a member state claims to be under migratory pressure, they can request the EU to prevent other member states from returning any asylum seekers to them for up to 12 months. That's a starting. Crisis and force majeure regulation. A member state facing significant migratory problems can request support from the European Commission, including asking other member states to take in some of their asylum seekers. This raises questions about whether Ireland can be legally compelled to accept a quota of asylum seekers annually instead of paying a financial penalty. According to a recent parliamentary question from the office obtained, the cost of accommodating asylum seekers individuals is €561 per week in 2023. That's your figures, minister, from your office. From the same data, we know that 64% of all asylum applicants assessed for eligibility in 2023 did not qualify, indicating that they were either illegal immigrants or should never have been in the asylum system in the first place. So we've been unable to deal with it. We did have a minister. He's taken 19 months for an assessment. The system has been shambolic from day one. And you can all tell you you'd blame it on the Rodrigo Cogrom's department and you'd get away with it. But no, it's divided communities. Take my own county, Marfokalskora, Kankola. Barstakane was the best model that took in the Ukrainians and was held up as a model all over the country. And now the department are trying to force them to change, to take in asylum seekers instead of the Ukrainians, who are welcoming into the community, working in the community, living in the community. The same happened, we know what happened in Rosgrave, terrible treatment of the ordinary people there. We saw what happened in Ractavern, the same story, nothing was going to be used for Ukrainians, now it was going to be used as an IPAS centre. I have the same in Tonmel at the moment, in Herms Hotel, a centre for IPAS. And we have, what's going on in the Hibre Road is outrageous. There's only force and British security forces in there, security people, with no badges displayed. And I condemn any violence, any threats of violence, but it's just what we want, to divide our people. It's just what we fought for in 1916 and 1922 and 1923. And it's just the Ireland we need today, divide and conquer, and the department has been disgraceful in getting back and engaging. And the fire office is the same way, won't take out buildings. It's all a token dagger, and it's not right to the people of Ireland. Thank you. Thank you.
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